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Thomas Hariot, A Report of the
New Found Land of Virginia (1588)
[Thomas Hariot was a mathematician whom Sir Walter Raleigh persuaded to join one of voyages to Roanoke following Barlowe's initial exploration. Hariot had spent several months with the two Indian men (Manteo and Wanchese) whom Barlowe had brought back to England, teaching them English and learning their language.]
Of the Nature and Manners of the People.
It resteth I speake a word or two of the natural inhabitants, their natures and manners, Leaving large discourse thereof untill time more convenient hereafter: now only so far forth, as that you may know, how that they in respect of troubling our inhabiting and planting, are not to be scared but that they shall have cause both to feare and love us that shall inhabite with them.
They are a people clothed with loose mantles made of Deere skins, & aprons of the same round about their middles; all else naked; of such a difference of stature only as we in England; having no edge tools or weapons of iron or steele to offend us withall, neither know they how to make any: those weapons yet they have, are only bowes made of Witch hazel, & arrowes of reeds; . . . .
Their townes are but small, & near the sea coast but few, some containing but 10 or 12 houses: some 20, the greatest that we have seen have been but of 30 houses: if they be walled it is only done with barks of trees made fast to stakes, or else with poles only fixed upright and close one by another.
Their houses are made of small poles made fast at the tops in rounde forme after the manner as is used in many arbories in our gardens of England, in most townes covered with barkes., and in some with artificiall mats made of long rushes; from the tops of the houses downe to the ground. The length of them is commonly double to the breadth, in some places they are but 12 and 16 yards long, and in other some we have seen of four and twenty.
In some places of the countrey one only towne belongeth to the government of a Wiroans or chiefe Lord; in other some two or three, in some six, eight, & more; the greatest Wiroans that yet we had dealing with had but eighteen townes in his government, and able to make not above seven or eight hundred fighting men at the most: The language of every government is different from any other, and the farther they are distant the greater is the difference.
Their manner of warres amongst themselves is either by sudden surprising one another most commonly about the dawning of the day, or moon light; or else by ambushes, or some suttle devises: Set battles are very rare, except it fall out where there are many trees, where either part may have some hope of defense, after the delivery of every arrow, in leaping behind some or other.
If there fall out any warres betwen us & them, what their fight is likely to be, we having advantages against them so many manner of ways, as by our discipline, our strange weapons and devises else; especially by ordinances great and small, it may be easily imagined; by the experience we have had in some places, the turning up of their heels against us in running away was their best defence.
In respect of us they are a people poore, and for want of skill and judgement in the knowledge and use of our things, doe esteem our trifles before thinges of greater value: Notwithstanding in their proper manner considering the want of such meanes as we have, they seeme very ingenious; For although they have no such tooles, nor any such craftes, sciences and artes as we; yet in those thinges they doe, they show excellence of wit. And by how much they upon due consideration shall finde our manner of knowledges and craftes to exceed theirs in perfection, and speed for doing or execution, by so much the more is it probable that they should desire our friendships & love, and have the greater respect for pleasing and obeying us. Whereby may be hoped if meanes of good government be used, that they may in short time be brought to civility, and the embracing of true religion.
Some religion they have already, which although it be far from the truth, yet being as it is, there is hope it may be the easier and sooner reformed.
They believe that there are many Gods which they call Monto'ac, but of different sorts and degrees; one only chief and great God., which hath been from all eternity. Who as they affirm when he purposed to make the worlde, made first other gods of a principall order to be as meanes and instruments to be used in the creation and government to follow; and after the Sunne, Moon, and Stars, as petty gods and the instruments of the other order more principall. First they say were made waters, out of which by the gods was made all diversity of creatures that are visible or invisible.
For mankind they say a woman was made first, which by the working of one of the gods, conceived and brought forth children: And in such sort they say they had their beginning.
But how many years or ages have passed since, they say they can make no relation, having no letters nor other such meanes as we to keepe recordes of the particularities of times past, but only tradition from father to sonne.
They thinke that all the gods are of human shape, & therefore they represent them by images in the forms of men, which they call Kewasowok one alone is called Kewas; Them they place in houses appropriate or temples which they call Machicomuck; Where they worship, pray, sing, and make many times offerings unto them. In some Machicomuck we have seen but one Kewas, in some two, and in other some three; The common sort thinke them to be also gods.
They believe also the immortality of the soul, that after this life as soon as the soul is departed from the body according to the workes it hath done, it is either carried to heaven the habitacle of gods, there to enioy perpetual bliss and happiness, or else to a great pit or hole, which they thinke to be in the furthest parts of their part of the worlde toward the sunset, there to burn continually: the place they call Popogusso. . . .
And this is the sum of their religion, which I learned by having special familiarity with some of their priests. Wherein they were not so sure grounded, nor gave such credit to their traditions and stories but through conversing with us they were brought into great doubts of their own, and no small admiration of ours, with earnest desire in many, to Iearn more than we had meanes for want of perfect utterance in their language to express.
Most thinges they saw with us, as Mathematicall instruments, sea compasses, the virtue of the loadstone in drawing iron , a perspective glass whereby was showed many strange sights, burning glasses, wildfire works, guns, books, writing and reading, spring clocks that seem to go of themselves, and many other thinges that we had, were so strange unto them, and so far exceeded their capacities to comprehend the reason and meanes how they should be made and done, that they thought they were rather the works of gods then of men, or at the leastwise they had been given and taught us of the gods. Which made many of them to have such opinion of us, as that if they knew not the truth of god and religion already, it was rather to be had from us, whom God so specially loved then from a people that were so simple, as they found themselves to be in comparison of us. Whereupon greater credit was given unto that we spake of concerning such matters.
Many times and in every towne where I came, according as I was able, I made declaration of the contents of the Bible; that therein was set forth the true and only GOD, and his mighty works, that therein was contained the true doctrine of salvation through Christ, with many particularities of Miracles and chiefe points of religion, as I was able then to utter, and thought fit for the time. And although I told them the booke materially & of itself was not of any such virtue, as I thought they did conceive, but only the doctrine therein contained; yet wouId many be glad to touch it, to embrace it, to kiss it, to hold it to their breasts and heads, and stroke over all their body with it; to show their hungry desire of that knowledge which was spoken of. . . .
On a time also when their corn began to wither by reason of a drought which happened extraordinarily, seeing that it had come to pass by reason that in some thing they had displeased us, many would come to us & desire us to pray to our God of England, that he would preserve their corn, promising that when it was ripe we would be partakers of the fruit. . . .
One other rare and strange accident, leaving others, will I mention before I end. which moved the whole country that either knew or heard of us, to have us in wonderfull admiration.
There was no towne where we had any subtle devise practised against us, we leaving it unpunished or not revenged (because we fought by all meanes possible to win them by gentleness) but that within a few days after our departure from every such towne, the people began to die very fast, and many in short space; in some townes, about twenty, in some forty ,in some sixty, & in one six score, which in truth was very many in respect of their numbers. This happened in no place that we could learn but where we had been, where they used some practise against us, and after such time; The disease also so strange, that they neither knew what it was, nor how to cure it; the like by report of the oldest men in the country never happened before, time out of mind. A thing specially observed by us as also by the naturall inhabitants themselves.
Insomuch that when some of the inhabitants which were our friends & especially the Wiroans Wingina had observed such effects in four or five towns to follow their wicked practices, they were persuaded that it was the work of our God through our meanes, and that we by him might kill and slay whom we would without weapons and not come near them.
And thereupon when it had happened that they had understanding that any of their enemies had abused us in our journeys, hearing that we had wrought no revenge with our weapons, & fearing upon some cause the matter should so rest: did come and intreat us that we would be a meanes to our God that they as others that had dealt ill with us might in like sort die; alleging how much it would be for our credit and profit, as also theirs; and hoping furthermore that we would do so much at their requests in respect oft he friendship we profess them.
Whose entreaties although we showed that they were ungodly, affirming that our God would not subject himself to any such prayers and requests of men: that indeed all thinges have been and were to be done according to his good pleasure as he had ordained: and that we to show ourselves his true servants ought rather to make petition for the contrary, that they with them might live together with us, be made partakers of his truth & serve him in righteousness; but notwithstanding in such sort that we referre that as all other thinges, to be done according to his divine will & pleasure, and as by his wisdom he had ordained to be best.
Yet because the effect fell out so suddenly and shortly after according to their desires, they thought nevertheless it came to pass by our meanes, and that we in using such speeches unto them did but dissemble the matter, and therefore came unto us to give us thanks in their manner that although we satisfied them not in promise, yet in deeds and effect we had fulfilled their desires.
This marvelous accident in all the country wrought so strange opinions of us that some people could not tell whether to think us gods or men, and the rather because that all the space of their sickness, there was no man of ours known to die, or that was specially sick: they noted also that we had no women amongst us, neither that we did care for any of theirs.
Some therefore were of opinion that we were not borne of women, and therefore not mortall, but that we were men of an old generation many years past then risen again to immortality.
Some would likewise seem to prophesy that there were more of our generation yet to come, to kill theirs and take their places, as some thought the purpose was by that which was already done.
Those that were immediately to come after us they imagined to be in the aire, yet invisible & without bodies, & that they by our intreaty & for the love of us did make the people to die in that sort as they did by shooting invisible bullets into them.
To confirme this opinion their physicians to excuse their ignorance in curing the disease, would not be ashamed to say, but earnestly make the simple people believe, that the strings of blood that they sucked out of the sick bodys. were the strings wherewithall the invisible bullets were tied and cast.
Some also thought that we shot them ourselves out of our pieces from the place where we dwelt, and killed the people in any such towne that had offended us as we listed, how far distant from us soever it were.
And other some said that it was the special work of God for our sakes, as we ourselves have cause in some sort to thinke no less . whatsoever some do or may imagine to the contrary, specially some Astrologers knowing of the Eclipse of the Sun which we saw the same year before in our voyage thitherward, which unto them appeared very terrible. And also of a Comet which began to appeare but a few days before the beginning of the said sickness. But to conclude them from being the speciall causes of so special an accident, there are farther reasons then I thinke fit at this present to be alleged.
Source: Thomas Hariot, A Briefe and True Report of the New Found Land of Virginia: . . . (London, 1588). *Some spelling has been modernized.
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