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American History CHAPTER 5 |
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American History
Ch 1 | Ch 2 | Ch 3 | Ch 4 | Ch 5 | Ch 6 | Ch 7
Ch 8 | Ch 9 | Ch 10 | Ch 11 | Ch 12 | Ch 13 | Ch 14
CHAPTER 5: Westward Expansion and Regional Differences
An Outline of American History
"Go West, young man, and grow up with the country."
-- John Soule, 1851
The War of 1812 was, in a sense, a second war of independence, for before
that time the United States had not been accorded equality in the family of
nations. With its conclusion, many of the serious difficulties that the
young republic had faced since the Revolution now disappeared. National
union under the Constitution brought a balance between liberty and order.
With a low national debt and a continent awaiting exploration, the prospect
of peace, prosperity and social progress opened before the nation.
BUILDING UNITY
Commerce was cementing national unity. The privations of war convinced many
of the importance of protecting the manufacturers of America until they
could stand alone against foreign competition. Economic independence, many
argued, was as essential as political independence. To foster
self-sufficiency, congressional leaders Henry Clay of Kentucky and John C.
Calhoun of South Carolina urged a policy of protectionism -- imposition of
restrictions on imported goods to foster the development of American
industry.
The time was propitious for raising the customs tariff. The shepherds of
Vermont and Ohio wanted protection against an influx of English wool. In
Kentucky, a new industry of weaving local hemp into cotton bagging was
threatened by the Scottish bagging industry. Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania,
already a flourishing center of iron smelting, was eager to challenge
British and Swedish iron suppliers. The tariff enacted in 1816 imposed
duties high enough to give manufacturers real protection. In addition,
Westerners advocated a national system of roads and canals to link them with
Eastern cities and ports, and to open frontier lands for settlement.
However, they were unsuccessful in pressing their demands for a federal role
in internal improvement because of opposition from New England and the
South. Roads and canals remained the province of the states until the
passage of the Federal Highways Act of 1916.
The position of the federal government at this time was greatly strengthened
by several Supreme Court decisions. A committed Federalist, John Marshall of
Virginia, became chief justice in 1801 and held office until his death in
1835. The court -- weak before his administration -- was transformed into a
powerful tribunal, occupying a position co-equal to the Congress and the
president. In a succession of historic decisions, Marshall never deviated
from one cardinal principle: upholding the sovereignty of the Constitution.
Marshall was the first in a long line of Supreme Court justices whose
decisions have molded the meaning and application of the Constitution. When
he finished his long service, the court had decided nearly 50 cases clearly
involving constitutional issues. In one of Marshall's most famous opinions
-- Marbury v. Madison (1803) -- he decisively established the right of the
Supreme Court to review the constitutionality of any law of Congress or of a
state legislature. In
McCulloch v. Maryland (1819), which dealt with the old question of the
implied powers of the government under the Constitution, he stood boldly in
defense of the Hamiltonian theory that the Constitution by implication gives
the government powers beyond those expressly stated.
EXTENSION OF SLAVERY
Slavery, which had up to now received little public attention, began to
assume much greater importance as a national issue. In the early years of
the republic, when the Northern states were providing for immediate or
gradual emancipation of the slaves, many leaders had supposed that slavery
would die out. In 1786 George Washington wrote that he devoutly wished some
plan might be adopted "by which slavery may be abolished by slow, sure and
imperceptible degrees." Jefferson, Madison and Monroe, all Virginians, and
other leading Southern statesmen, made similar statements. The Northwest
Ordinance of 1787 had banned slavery in the Northwest Territory. As late as
1808, when the international slave trade was abolished, there were many
Southerners who thought that slavery would soon end. The expectation proved
false, for during the next generation, the South became solidly united
behind the institution of slavery as new economic factors made slavery far
more profitable than it had been before 1790.
Chief among these was the rise of a great cotton-growing industry in the
South, stimulated by the introduction of new types of cotton and by Eli
Whitney's invention in 1793 of the cotton gin, which separated the seeds
from cotton. At the same time, the Industrial Revolution, which made textile
manufacturing a large-scale operation, vastly increased the demand for raw
cotton. And the opening of new lands in the West after 1812 greatly extended
the area available for cotton cultivation. Cotton culture moved rapidly from
the Tidewater states on the East coast through much of the lower South to
the delta region of the Mississippi and eventually to Texas.
Sugarcane, another labor-intensive crop, also contributed to slavery's
extension in the South. The rich, hot lands of southeastern Louisiana proved
ideal for growing sugarcane profitably. By 1830 the state was supplying the
nation with about half its sugar supply. Finally, tobacco growers moved
westward, taking slavery with them.
As the free society of the North and the slave society of the South spread
westward, it seemed politically expedient to maintain a rough equality among
the new states carved out of western territories. In 1818, when Illinois was
admitted to the Union, 10 states permitted slavery and 11 states prohibited
it; but balance was restored after Alabama was admitted as a slave state.
Population was growing faster in the North, which permitted Northern states
to have a clear majority in the House of Representatives. However, equality
between the North and the South was maintained in the Senate.
In 1819 Missouri, which had 10,000 slaves, applied to enter the Union.
Northerners rallied to oppose Missouri's entry except as a free state, and a
storm of protest swept the country. For a time Congress was deadlocked, but
Henry Clay arranged the so-called Missouri Compromise: Missouri was admitted
as a slave state at the same time Maine came in as a free state. In
addition, Congress banned slavery from the territory acquired by the
Louisiana Purchase north of Missouri's southern boundary. At the time, this
provision appeared to be a victory for the Southern states because it was
thought unlikely that this "Great American Desert" would ever be settled.
The controversy was temporarily resolved, but Thomas Jefferson wrote to a
friend that "this momentous question like a firebell in the night awakened
me with terror. I considered it at once as the knell of the Union."
LATIN AMERICA AND THE MONROE DOCTRINE
During the opening decades of the 19th century, Central and South America
turned to revolution. The idea of liberty had stirred the people of Latin
America from the time the English colonies gained their freedom. Napoleon's
conquest of Spain in 1808 provided the signal for Latin Americans to rise in
revolt. By 1822, ably led by Simon Bolivar, Francisco Miranda, Jose de San
Martin and Miguel Hidalgo, all of Hispanic America -- from Argentina and
Chile in the south to Mexico and California in the north -- had won
independence from the mother country.
The people of the United States took a deep interest in what seemed a
repetition of their own experience in breaking away from European rule. The
Latin American independence movements confirmed their own belief in
self-government. In 1822 President James Monroe, under powerful public
pressure, received authority to recognize the new countries of Latin America
-- including the former Portuguese colony of Brazil -- and soon exchanged
ministers with them. This recognition confirmed their status as genuinely
independent countries, entirely separated from their former European
connections.
At just this point, Russia, Prussia and Austria formed an association called
the Holy Alliance to protect themselves against revolution. By intervening
in countries where popular movements threatened monarchies, the Alliance --
joined at times by France -- hoped to prevent the spread of revolution into
its dominions. This policy was the antithesis of the American principle of
self-determination.
As long as the Holy Alliance confined its activities to the Old World, it
aroused no anxiety in the United States. But when the Alliance announced its
intention of restoring its former colonies to Spain, Americans became very
concerned. For its part, Britain resolved to prevent Spain from restoring
its empire because trade with Latin America was too important to British
commercial interests. London urged the extension of Anglo-American
guarantees to Latin America, but Secretary of State John Quincy Adams
convinced Monroe to act unilaterally: "It would be more candid, as well as
more dignified, to avow our principles explicitly to Russia and France, than
to come in as a cock-boat in the wake of the British man-of-war." In
December 1823, with the knowledge that the British navy would defend Latin
America from the Holy Alliance and France, President Monroe took the
occasion of his annual message to Congress to pronounce what would become
known as the Monroe Doctrine -- the refusal to tolerate any further
extension of European domination in the Americas:
The American continents...are henceforth not to be considered as subjects
for future colonization by any European powers.
We should consider any attempt on their part to extend their [political]
system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and
safety.
With the existing colonies or dependencies of any European power we have not
interfered and shall not interfere. But with the governments who have
declared their independence and maintained it, and whose independence we
have...acknowledged, we could not view any interposition for the purpose of
oppressing them, or controlling in any other manner their destiny, by any
European power in any other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly
disposition toward the United States.
The Monroe Doctrine expressed a spirit of solidarity with the newly
independent republics of Latin America. These nations in turn recognized
their political affinity with the United States by basing their new
constitutions, in many instances, on the North American model.
FACTIONALISM AND POLITICAL PARTIES
Domestically, the presidency of Monroe (1817-1825) was termed the "era of
good feelings." In one sense, this term disguised a period of vigorous
factional and regional conflict; on the other hand, the phrase acknowledged
the political triumph of the Republican Party over the Federalist Party,
which collapsed as a national force.
The decline of the Federalists brought disarray to the system of choosing
presidents. At the time, state legislatures could nominate candidates. In
1824 Tennessee and Pennsylvania chose Andrew Jackson, with South Carolina
Senator John C. Calhoun as his running mate. Kentucky selected Speaker of
the House Henry Clay; Massachusetts, Secretary of State John Quincy Adams;
and a congressional caucus, Treasury Secretary William Crawford.
Personality and sectional allegiance played important roles in determining
the outcome of the election. Adams won the electoral votes from New England
and most of New York; Clay won Kentucky, Ohio and Missouri; Jackson won the
Southeast, Illinois, Indiana, the Carolinas, Pennsylvania, Maryland and New
Jersey; and Crawford won Virginia, Georgia and Delaware. No candidate gained
a majority in the Electoral College, so, according to the provisions of the
Constitution, the election was thrown into the House of Representatives,
where Clay was the most influential figure. He supported Adams, who gained
the presidency.
During Adams's administration, new party alignments appeared. Adams's
followers took the name of "National Republicans," later to be changed to
"Whigs." Though he governed honestly and efficiently, Adams was not a
popular president, and his administration was marked with frustrations.
Adams failed in his effort to institute a national system of roads and
canals. His years in office appeared to be one long campaign for reelection,
and his coldly intellectual temperament did not win friends. Jackson, by
contrast, had enormous popular appeal, especially among his followers in the
newly named Democratic Party that emerged from the Republican Party, with
its roots dating back to presidents Jefferson, Madison and Monroe. In the
election of 1828, Jackson defeated Adams by an overwhelming electoral
majority.
Jackson -- Tennessee politician, Indian fighter and hero of the Battle of
New Orleans during the War of 1812 -- drew his support from the small
farmers of the West, and the workers, artisans and small merchants of the
East, who sought to use their vote to resist the rising commercial and
manufacturing interests associated with the Industrial Revolution.
The election of 1828 was a significant benchmark in the trend toward broader
voter participation. Vermont had universal male suffrage from its entry into
the Union and Tennessee permitted suffrage for the vast majority of
taxpayers. New Jersey, Maryland and South Carolina all abolished property
and tax-paying requirements between 1807 and 1810. States entering the Union
after 1815 either had universal white male suffrage or a low taxpaying
requirement. From 1815 to 1821, Connecticut, Massachusetts and New York
abolished all property requirements. In 1824 members of the Electoral
College were still selected by six state legislatures. By 1828 presidential
electors were chosen by popular vote in every state but Delaware and South
Carolina. Nothing dramatized this democratic sentiment more than the
election of the flamboyant Andrew Jackson.
NULLIFICATION CRISIS
Toward the end of his first term in office, Jackson was forced to confront
the state of South Carolina on the issue of the protective tariff. Business
and farming interests in the state had hoped that Jackson would use his
presidential power to modify tariff laws they had long opposed. In their
view, all the benefits of protection were going to Northern manufacturers,
and while the country as a whole grew richer, South Carolina grew poorer,
with its planters bearing the burden of higher prices.
The protective tariff passed by Congress and signed into law by Jackson in
1832 was milder than that of 1828, but it further embittered many in the
state. In response, a number of South Carolina citizens endorsed the states'
rights principle of "nullification," which was enunciated by John C.
Calhoun, Jackson's vice president until 1832, in his South Carolina
Exposition and Protest (1828). South Carolina dealt with the tariff by
adopting the Ordinance of Nullification, which declared both the tariffs of
1828 and 1832 null and void within state borders. The legislature also
passed laws to enforce the ordinance, including authorization for raising a
military force and appropriations for arms.
Nullification was only the most recent in a series of state challenges to
the authority of the federal government. There had been a continuing contest
between the states and the national government over the power of the latter,
and over the loyalty of the citizenry, almost since the founding of the
republic. The Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions of 1798, for example, had
defied the Alien and Sedition Acts, and in the Hartford Convention, New
England voiced its opposition to President Madison and the war against the
British.
In response to South Carolina's threat, Jackson sent seven small naval
vessels and a man-of-war to Charleston in November 1832. On December 10, he
issued a resounding proclamation against the nullifiers. South Carolina, the
president declared, stood on "the brink of insurrection and treason," and he
appealed to the people of the state to reassert their allegiance to that
Union for which their ancestors had fought.
When the question of tariff duties again came before Congress, it soon
became clear that only one man, Senator Henry Clay, the great advocate of
protection (and a political rival of Jackson), could pilot a compromise
measure through Congress. Clay's tariff bill -- quickly passed in 1833 --
specified that all duties in excess of 20 percent of the value of the goods
imported were to be reduced by easy stages, so that by 1842, the duties on
all articles would reach the level of the moderate tariff of 1816.
Nullification leaders in South Carolina had expected the support of other
Southern states, but without exception, the rest of the South declared South
Carolina's course unwise and unconstitutional. Eventually, South Carolina
rescinded its action. Both sides, nevertheless, claimed victory. Jackson had
committed the federal government to the principle of Union supremacy. But
South Carolina, by its show of resistance, had obtained many of the demands
it sought, and had demonstrated that a single state could force its will on
Congress.
BATTLE OF THE BANK
Even before the nullification issue had been settled, another controversy
occurred that challenged Jackson's leadership. It concerned the rechartering
of the second Bank of the United States. The first bank had been established
in 1791, under Alexander Hamilton's guidance, and had been chartered for a
20-year period. Though the government held some of its stock, it was not a
government bank; rather, the bank was a private corporation with profits
passing to its stockholders. It had been designed to stabilize the currency
and stimulate trade; but it was resented by Westerners and working people
who believed, along with Senator Thomas Hart Benton of Missouri, that it was
a "monster" granting special favors to a few powerful men. When its charter
expired in 1811, it was not renewed.
For the next few years, the banking business was in the hands of
state-chartered banks, which issued currency in excessive amounts, creating
great confusion and fueling inflation. It became increasingly clear that
state banks could not provide the country with a uniform currency, and in
1816 a second Bank of the United States, similar to the first, was again
chartered for 20 years.
From its inception, the second Bank was unpopular in the newer states and
territories, and with less prosperous people everywhere. Opponents claimed
the bank possessed a virtual monopoly over the country's credit and
currency, and reiterated that it represented the interests of the wealthy
few. On the whole, the bank was well managed and rendered valuable service;
but Jackson, elected as a popular champion against it, vetoed a bill to
recharter the bank. In his message to Congress, he denounced monopoly and
special privilege, saying that "our rich men have not been content with
equal protection and equal benefits, but have besought us to make them
richer by act of Congress." The effort to override the veto failed.
In the election campaign that followed, the bank question caused a
fundamental division between the merchant, manufacturing and financial
interests (generally creditors who favored tight money and high interest
rates), and the laboring and agrarian elements, who were often in debt to
banks and therefore favored an increased money supply and lower interest
rates. The outcome was an enthusiastic endorsement of "Jacksonism." Jackson
saw his reelection in 1832 as a popular mandate to crush the bank
irrevocably -- and found a ready-made weapon in a provision of the bank's
charter authorizing removal of public funds. In September 1833 he ordered
that no more government money be deposited in the bank, and that the money
already in its custody be gradually withdrawn in the ordinary course of
meeting the expenses of government. Carefully selected state banks,
stringently restricted, were provided as a substitute. For the next
generation the United States would get by on a relatively unregulated state
banking system, which helped fuel westward expansion through cheap credit
but kept the nation vulnerable to periodic panics. It wasn't until the Civil
War that the United States chartered a national banking system.
WHIGS, DEMOCRATS AND "KNOW-NOTHINGS"
Because Jackson's political opponents had no hope of success so long as they
remained at cross purposes, they attempted to bring all the dissatisfied
elements together into a common party called the Whigs. Although they
organized soon after the election campaign of 1832, it was more than a
decade before they reconciled their differences and were able to draw up a
platform. Largely through the magnetism of Henry Clay and Daniel Webster,
the Whigs' most brilliant statesmen, the party solidified its membership.
But in the 1836 election, the Whigs were still too divided to unite behind a
single man or upon a common platform. New York's Martin Van Buren, Jackson's
vice president, won the contest.
An economic depression and the larger-than-life personality of his
predecessor obscured Van Buren's merits. His public acts aroused no
enthusiasm, for he lacked the compelling qualities of leadership and the
dramatic flair that had attended Jackson's every move. The election of 1840
found the country afflicted with hard times and low wages -- and the
Democrats on the defensive.
The Whig candidate for president was William Henry Harrison of Ohio, vastly
popular as a hero of Indian conflicts as well as the War of 1812. He was
regarded, like Jackson, as a representative of the democratic West. His vice
presidential candidate was John Tyler -- a Virginian whose views on states'
rights and a low tariff were popular in the South. Harrison won a sweeping
victory.
Within a month of his inauguration, however, the 68-year-old Harrison died,
and Tyler became president. Tyler's beliefs differed sharply from those of
Clay and Webster, still the most influential men in the country. Before
Tyler's term was over, these differences led to an open break between the
president and the party that had elected him.
Americans, however, found themselves divided in more complex ways than
simple partisan conflicts between Whigs and Democrats. For example, the
large number of Catholic immigrants in the first half of the 19th century,
primarily Irish and German, triggered a backlash among native-born
Protestant Americans.
Immigrants brought more than strange new customs and religious practices to
American shores. They competed with the native-born for jobs in cities along
the Eastern seaboard. Moreover, political changes in the 1820s and 1830s
increased the political clout of the foreign born. During those two decades,
state constitutions were revised to permit universal white-male suffrage.
This led to the end of rule by patrician politicians, who blamed the
immigrants for their fall from power. Finally, the Catholic Church's failure
to support the temperance movement gave rise to charges that Rome was trying
to subvert the United States through alcohol.
The most important of the nativist organizations that sprang up in this
period was a secret society, the Order of the Star-Spangled Banner, founded
in 1849. When its members refused to identify themselves, they were swiftly
labeled the "Know-Nothings." In 1853 the Know-Nothings in New York City
organized a Grand Council, which devised a new constitution to centralize
control over the state organizations.
Among the chief aims of the Know-Nothings were an extension in the period
required for naturalization from five to 21 years, and the exclusion of the
foreign-born and Catholics from public office. In 1855 the organization
managed to win control of legislatures in New York and Massachusetts; by
1855, about 90 U.S. congressmen were linked to the party.
Disagreements over the slavery issue prevented the party from playing a role
in national politics. The Know-Nothings of the South supported slavery while
Northern members opposed it. At a convention in 1856 to nominate candidates
for president and vice president, 42 Northern delegates walked out when a
motion to support the Missouri Compromise was ignored, and the party died as
a national force.
STIRRINGS OF REFORM
The democratic upheaval in politics exemplified by Jackson's election was
merely one phase of the long American quest for greater rights and
opportunities for all citizens. Another was the beginning of labor
organization. In 1835 labor forces in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, succeeded
in reducing the old "dark-to-dark" workday to a 10-hour day. New Hampshire,
Rhode Island, Ohio and the new state of California, admitted to the Union in
1850, undertook similar reforms.
The spread of suffrage had already led to a new concept of education, for
clear-sighted statesmen everywhere perceived the threat to universal
suffrage from an untutored, illiterate electorate. These men -- DeWitt
Clinton in New York, Abraham Lincoln in Illinois and Horace Mann in
Massachusetts -- were now supported by organized labor, whose leaders
demanded free, tax-supported schools open to all children. Gradually, in one
state after another, legislation was enacted to provide for such free
instruction. The public school system became common throughout the northern
part of the country. In other parts of the country, however, the battle for
public education continued for years.
Another influential social movement that emerged during this period was the
opposition to the sale and use of alcohol, or the temperance movement. It
stemmed from a variety of concerns and motives: religious beliefs, the
effect of alcohol on the work force, and the violence and suffering women
and children experienced at the hands of heavy drinkers. In 1826 Boston
ministers organized the Society for the Promotion of Temperance. Seven years
later, in Philadelphia, the Society convened a national convention, which
formed the American Temperance Union. The Union called for the renunciation
of all alcoholic beverages, and pressed state legislatures to ban their
production and sale. Thirteen states had done so by 1855, although the laws
were subsequently challenged in court. They survived only in northern New
England, but between 1830 and 1860 the temperance movement reduced
Americans' per capita consumption of alcohol.
Other reformers addressed the problems of prisons and care for the insane.
Efforts were made to turn prisons, which stressed punishment, into
penitentiaries, where the guilty would undergo rehabilitation. In
Massachusetts, Dorothea Dix led a struggle to improve conditions for insane
persons, who were kept confined in wretched almshouses and prisons. After
winning improvements in Massachusetts, she took her campaign to the South,
where nine states established hospitals for the insane between 1845 and
1852.
WOMEN'S RIGHTS
Such social reforms brought many women to a realization of their own unequal
position in society. From colonial times, unmarried women had enjoyed many
of the same legal rights as men, although custom required that they marry
early. With matrimony, women virtually lost their separate identities in the
eyes of the law. Women were not permitted to vote and their education in the
17th and 18th centuries was limited largely to reading, writing, music,
dancing and needlework.
The awakening of women began with the visit to America of Frances Wright, a
Scottish lecturer and journalist, who publicly promoted women's rights
throughout the United States during the 1820s. At a time when women were
often forbidden to speak in public places, Wright not only spoke out, but
shocked audiences by her views advocating the rights of women to seek
information on birth control and divorce.
By the 1840s a group of American women emerged who would forge the first
women's rights movement. Foremost in this distinguished group was Elizabeth
Cady Stanton. In 1848 Cady Stanton and Lucretia Mott, another women's rights
advocate, organized a women's rights convention -- the first in the history
of the world -- at Seneca Falls, New York. Delegates drew up a declaration
demanding equality with men before the law, the right to vote, and equal
opportunities in education and employment.
That same year, Ernestine Rose, a Polish immigrant, was instrumental in
getting a law passed in the state of New York that allowed married women to
keep their property in their own name. Among the first laws in the nation of
this kind, the Married Women's Property Act, encouraged other state
legislatures to enact similar laws.
In 1869 Rose helped Elizabeth Cady Stanton and another leading women's
rights activist, Susan B. Anthony, to found the National Woman Suffrage
Association (NWSA), which advocated a constitutional amendment for women's
right to the vote. These two would become the women's movement's most
outspoken advocates. Describing their partnership, Cady Stanton would say,
"I forged the thunderbolts and she fired them."
WESTWARD
The frontier did much to shape American life. Conditions along the entire
Atlantic seaboard stimulated migration to the newer regions. From New
England, where the soil was incapable of producing high yields of grain,
came a steady stream of men and women who left their coastal farmsand
villages to take advantage of the rich interior land of the continent. In
the backcountry settlements of the Carolinas and Virginia, people
handicapped by the lack of roads and canals giving access to coastal
markets, and suffering from the political dominance of the Tidewater
planters, also moved westward. By 1800 the Mississippi and Ohio River
valleys were becoming a great frontier region. "Hi-o, away we go, floating
down the river on the O-hi-o," became the song of thousands of migrants.
The westward flow of population in the early 19th century led to the
division of old territories and the drawing of new boundaries. As new states
were admitted, the political map stabilized east of the Mississippi River.
From 1816 to 1821, six states were created -- Indiana, Illinois and Maine
(which were free states), and Mississippi, Alabama and Missouri (slave
states). The first frontier had been tied closely to Europe, the second to
the coastal settlements, but the Mississippi Valley was independent and its
people looked west rather than east.
Frontier settlers were a varied group. One English traveler described them
as "a daring, hardy race of men, who live in miserable cabins.... They are
unpolished but hospitable, kind to strangers, honest and trustworthy. They
raise a little Indian corn, pumpkins, hogs and sometimes have a cow or
two.... But the rifle is their principal means of support." Dexterous with
the axe, snare and fishing line, these men blazed the trails, built the
first log cabins and confronted Native American tribes, whose land they
occupied.
As more and more settlers penetrated the wilderness, many became farmers as
well as hunters. A comfortable log house with glass windows, a chimney and
partitioned rooms replaced the cabin; the well replaced the spring.
Industrious settlers would rapidly clear their land of timber, burning the
wood for potash and letting the stumps decay. They grew their own grain,
vegetables and fruit; ranged the woods for deer, wild turkeys and honey;
fished the nearby streams; looked after cattle and hogs. Land speculators
bought large tracts of the cheap land and, if land values rose, sold their
holdings and moved still farther west, making way for others.
Doctors, lawyers, storekeepers, editors, preachers, mechanics and
politicians soon followed the farmers. The farmers were the sturdy base,
however. Where they settled, they intended to stay and hoped their children
would remain after them. They built large barns and brick or frame houses.
They brought improved livestock, plowed the land skillfully and sowed
productive seed. Some erected flour mills, sawmills and distilleries. They
laid out good highways, built churches and schools. Incredible
transformations were accomplished in a few years. In 1830, for example,
Chicago, Illinois, was merely an unpromising trading village with a fort;
but long before some of its original settlers had died, it had become one of
the largest and richest cities in the nation.
Farms were easy to acquire. Government land after 1820 could be bought for
$1.25 for about half a hectare, and after the 1862 Homestead Act, could be
claimed by merely occupying and improving it. In addition, tools for working
the land were easily available. It was a time when, in a phrase written by
John Soule and popularized by journalist Horace Greeley, young men could "go
west and grow with the country."
Except for a migration into Mexican-owned Texas, the westward march of the
agricultural frontier did not pass Missouri until after 1840. In 1819, in
return for assuming the claims of American citizens to the amount of $5
million, the United States obtained from Spain both Florida and Spain's
rights to the Oregon country in the Far West. In the meantime, the Far West
had become a field of great activity in the fur trade, which was to have
significance far beyond the value of the skins. As in the first days of
French exploration in the Mississippi Valley, the trader was a pathfinder
for the settlers beyond the Mississippi. The French and Scots-Irish
trappers, exploring the great rivers and their tributaries and discovering
all the passes of the Rocky and Sierra Mountains, made possible the overland
migration of the 1840s and the later occupation of the interior of the
nation.
Overall, the growth of the nation was enormous: population grew from 7.25
million to more than 23 million from 1812 to 1852, and the land available
for settlement increased by almost the size of Europe -- from 4.4 million to
7.8 million square kilometers. Still unresolved, however, were the basic
conflicts rooted in sectional differences which, by the decade of the 1860s,
would explode into civil war. Inevitably, too, this westward expansion
brought settlers into conflict with the original inhabitants of the land:
the Indians.
In the first part of the 19th century, the most prominent figure associated
with these conflicts was Andrew Jackson, the first "Westerner" to occupy the
White House. In the midst of the War of 1812, Jackson, then in charge of the
Tennessee militia, was sent into southern Alabama, where he ruthlessly put
down an uprising of Creek Indians. The Creeks soon ceded two-thirds of their
land to the United States. Jackson later routed bands of Seminole Indians
from their sanctuaries in Spanish-owned Florida.
In the 1820s, President Monroe's secretary of war, John C. Calhoun, pursued
a policy of removing the remaining tribes from the old Southwest and
resettling them beyond the Mississippi. Jackson continued this policy as
president.
In 1830 Congress passed the Indian Removal Act, providing funds to transport
the eastern tribes beyond the Mississippi. In 1834 a special Indian
territory was set up in what is now Oklahoma. In all, the tribes signed 94
treaties during Jackson's two terms, ceding millions of hectares to the
federal government and removing dozens of tribes from their ancestral
homelands.
Perhaps the most egregious chapter in this unfortunate history concerned the
Cherokees, whose lands in western North Carolina and Georgia had been
guaranteed by treaty since 1791. Among the most progressive of the eastern
tribes, the Cherokees' fate was sealed when gold was discovered on their
land in 1829. Even a favorable ruling from the Supreme Court proved little
help. With the acquiescence of the Jackson administration, the Cherokees
were forced to make the long and cruel trek to Oklahoma in 1835. Many died
of disease and privation in what became known as the "Trail of Tears."
SIDEBAR: SENECA FALLS
The early feminist, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, found an ally in Lucretia Mott,
an ardent abolitionist, when the two met in 1840 at an anti-slavery
conference in London. Once the conference began, it was apparent to the two
women that female delegates were not welcome. Barred from speaking and
appearing on the convention floor, Cady Stanton and Mott protested by
leaving the convention hall, taking other female delegates with them. It was
then that Cady Stanton proposed to Mott a women's rights convention that
would address the social, civil and religious rights of women. The
convention would be put on hold until eight years later, when the two
organized the first women's rights convention, held in Seneca Falls, New
York, in 1848.
At that meeting, Cady Stanton presented a "Declaration of Sentiments," based
on the Declaration of Independence, and listing 18 grievances against male
suppression of women. Among them: married women had no right to their
children if they left an abusive husband or sought a divorce. If a woman was
granted a divorce, there was no way for her to make a professional living
unless she chose to write or teach. A woman could not testify against her
husband in court. Married women who worked in factories were not entitled to
keep their earnings, but had to turn them over to their husbands. When a
woman married, any property that she had held as a single woman
automatically became part of her husband's estate. Single women who owned
property were taxed without the right to vote for the lawmakers imposing the
taxes -- one of the very reasons why the American colonies had broken away
from Great Britain.
Convention attendees passed the resolutions unanimously with the exception
of the one for women's suffrage. Only after an impassioned speech in favor
of women's right to vote by Frederick Douglass, the black abolitionist, did
the resolution pass. Still, the majority of those in attendance could not
accept the thought of women voting.
At Seneca Falls, Cady Stanton gained national prominence as an eloquent
writer and speaker for women's rights. Years later, she declared that she
had realized early on that without the right to vote, women would never
achieve their goal of becoming equal with men. Taking the abolitionist
reformer William Lloyd Garrison as her model, she saw that the key to
success in any endeavor lay in changing public opinion, and not in party
action. By awakening women to the injustices under which they labored,
Seneca Falls became the catalyst for future change. Soon other women's
rights conventions were held, and other women would come to the forefront of
the movement for political and social equality.
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The U. S. Constitution
